• Samoan was used by all people for all occasions

• Samoans speak Samoan and English for daily transactions, English for classroom instruction and business, and Samoan to explain difficult problems
• Americans usually speak only English
• Tongans, Koreans, and Chinese speak their native languages, as well as English and Samoan, while (more recently immigrated) Filipinos speak their Philippine dialects and English

• Common Chuukese, different dialects of Mortlockese, and Western Chuukese were used for work and in gatherings
• Older people spoke more formal language on special occasions, which younger people did not understand

• Different dialects of common Chuukese and English are used in government and business sectors and for documentation, correspondence, and purchasing/procurement

• Chamorro and Carolinian were used by all people for all occasions

• Official languages are Chamorro, Carolinian, and English
• Chamorro and Carolinian are used to communicate information and other important issues within families and extended families
• English has become universal, is dominant in the workplace and government offices, and is used to give instructions and directions
• Japanese is used in hotels and businesses (taught during Japanese occupation)
• Other ethnic groups, including Chinese, Koreans, Palauans, Yapese, Chuukese, Pohnpeians, Marshallese, Bangladeshis, Filipinos, and Nepalese, speak their native languages

• Chamorro was used by all people for all occasions

• Chamorro and English are both official languages of Guam
• Chamorro is used at home and in social interactions among adults and those who speak it
• Since 1976, English has been used predominantly in government, business, and school
• Religious prayers (novenas, rosaries) are in Chamorro and English

• Kosraen was used for business and in daily conversation
• High language was used in formal situations
• Common language was used among same age groups in daily situations

• Use of high language is declining
• High and common language are sometimes mixed
• English and Kosraean are often mixed (called code switching) in conversation, such as “Nga a som fishing litu”
• English is used for meeting minutes and correspondence
• Slang and borrowed words are also used (more than 870 English words and 150 Japanese words)

• Palauan, Sonsorolese, and Hatahobei were used

• Palauan and English are official languages used in all private and government workplaces and in written communication
• Because many different nationalities reside in Palau, other languages that are used in daily conversation include Japanese, Tagalog, Sonsorolese, Tobian (Hatahobei), Chinese, and Korean
• Written English is more common than written Palauan

• Pohnpeian (two major dialects) was used widely and for all occasions
• Dialects were used for oral history and historically tracing where Pohnpeian ancestors had come from
• Mwoakilloan was used on Mwoakilloa Atoll, Pingelapese on Pingelap Atoll, a Creole language (mixed English and Pohnpeian) on Sapuwahfic Atoll, Nukuoroan on Nukuoro Atoll, and Kapingamarangi on Kapingamarangi Atoll
• Mortlockese was spoken in some places

• Pohnpeian and English are both official languages of the government of Pohnpei State
• Pohnpeian is commonly used in daily conversation
• English is used for government documentation, other formal matters, and when no other indigenous language can be used (e.g., in front of non-native speakers)
• Daily languages are the same as those used in traditional times, as well as Yapese, Kosraean, Chuukese, Tagalog, Japanese, and English
• Native speakers use their native language when conversing among themselves

• Marshallese was used by all people on all occasions

• Marshallese is used in all private and public workplaces for discussion, clarification, instruction, and translation of important documents
• English is used for documentation, procurement, and evaluation (more documents are in English than in Marshallese)
• Other languages are used by their native speakers

• Satawalese, Woleaian, Ulithian, and Yapese were used on their respective islands by all native speakers

• Satawalese, Woleaian, Ulithian, and Yapese are used, especially in outlying villages and islands
• Classroom instruction is mostly in indigenous languages, except when the teacher is a foreigner (e.g., U.S. Peace Corps volunteer or Japanese Overseas Volunteer Corps)
• Public documents distributed to non-English speakers are translated into indigenous languages
• English is used in government, business, and churches and between those who cannot speak other indigenous languages
• Efforts to teach indigenous languages in the classroom are being made
• Palauan and Japanese are also spoken

• Samoan was an oral language

• All languages spoken in Samoa have written forms
• English is more widespread in written form; newspapers use 98% English
• Written English and Samoan are used in education
• Written English is used in job transactions (Samoan is being taught)

• Chuukese was an oral language

• Some written documents (e.g., the Bible) are in common Chuukese and in different dialects of the region
• Written English

• Chamorro and Carolinian were oral languages
• 1800s church documents were written in native languages

• Documents, media, books, and flyers are written in English, Chamorro, and Carolinian
• Educational materials (curriculum, lessons, print media) are written in English, Chamorro, and Carolinian
• Bilingual materials are written in Chamorro/Carolinian
• Religious materials are translated; masses are given in Chamorro and Carolinian

• Chamorro was an oral language

• Chamorro has an official orthography, dictionary, numerous books, and other written materials for classroom and personal use
• Children are taught to read and write in Chamorro
• Chamorro is taught in grades K-5, during one year in middle school, and also at the University of Guam
• Fino’ Chamoru column in Pacific Daily News is published Monday to Saturday
• Hafa Adai and Latte local magazines include Chamorro articles and stories

• Kosraean was an oral language until missionaries arrived

• High language and old spelling system used in the Bible and hymn books
• Common and high language used in government documents, writings, school textbooks
• Mixed versions of spelling system used by older people and media; new spelling system used in schools
• Written English

• Palauan was an oral language with no known form of writing; the same is true for the southwestern island languages (Tobian and Sonsorolese – both are closely related to Chuukese)

• According to the Constitution of Palau, Palauan and English are official languages of the nation; both are taught in schools (speaking, reading, writing)
• 90% of Palauans read English, Palauan, or both; 10% are elders who can speak, read, and write Palauan and Japanese (schooled during the Japanese administration in the early 1900s)
• Fewer than 5% of Palauans are proficient in Palauan, English, and Japanese
• Japanese is taught as an elective course in the only public high school in Palau (located in Koror)

• Pohnpeian and the other languages spoken in Pohnpei were strictly oral languages

• Written English
• Orthographies were developed to regulate written form, though most are still in early stages, for Pohnpeian, Mwoakilloan, Pingelapese, Nukuoroan, and Kapingamarangi languages
• English alphabet symbols do not truly represent sounds in the Pohnpeian language, which limits knowledge of written forms
• Because of various dialects, Pohnpeians find it difficult to express on paper what they would more easily chant, sing, or dance

• Marshallese was an oral language

• Written English and Marshallese
• Youth have a greater knowledge than elder Marshallese of written English

• Oral languages in and around Yap

Yapese, Ulithian, Woleaian, and Satawalese

• Dictionaries and reference materials in various stages of development
• Used to communicate with others, keep records, translate, etc.
• Few government documents
• Renewed effort to develop and use locally written materials in indigenous languages for classroom instruction
• Teachers read new orthography
• Old spelling system, unsystematic use of phonics and Latin combined, used by older generation

Japanese

• Used by older people who went to Japanese school

English

• Used in communication and government documents

• No written documents

• Samoan language dictionaries written in 1800s and during 1960s
• Other materials written in Samoan include reference materials, novels, biographical texts, travel documents, sociological texts, instructional materials, short stories, and church documents (Bibles, hymnals, historical references, etc.)

• No written documents

• Chuukese and English dictionaries, instructional reading books, and other educational documents
• Other materials written in Chuukese include religious documents (the Bible) and government documents such as the Chuuk Constitution, state laws, and municipal ordinances

• No written documents

Chamorro

• Grammar and spoken-Chamorro references, church songs, religious documents, local newspaper, constitutional amendments, pamphlets and handbooks for disasters such as typhoons and earthquakes, various legal documents, and bilingual curriculum materials

Carolinian

• Dictionary, bulletins, the Bible, prayers, court documents, school materials, and notices

• No written documents

• Chamorro dictionary, Chamorro grammar references, and instructional books for Chamorro language instruction are available for early through higher education
• Children’s stories, coloring books and games, religious prayers, and music are also available in Chamorro

• No written documents

• Kosraean dictionaries, grammar books, and readers
• Other written materials include the Bible, multiple editions of hymn books, storybooks, textbooks in various content areas, legal documents, and pamphlets

• There were no formally written documents, but tattoos and drawings/paintings on columns, beams, and the walls of the bai (Palauan men’s meeting house) often depicted what would have been written (if a written language existed)

• Palauan grammar reference, Palauan-English dictionary, Palauan Bible, and Bible stories in comic format
• Other materials written in Palauan include short stories, history texts, the Palau Constitution, Rechuodel, Vol. I & II, Cheldecheduch er a Belau, and Siukang er a Belau (these final three texts explain Palauan traditions, customs, and other knowledge pools of Palau)

• No written documents

• Pohnpeian dictionaries, grammar books, and Bible translations

• No written documents

• Marshallese/English dictionary
• Other materials written in Marshallese include a Bible translation, school materials, and newspapers

• No written documents

• Yapese and Woleaian dictionaries and grammar references, reference materials, story pamphlets, government documents, and religious materials
• Readers for lower grades available in Yapese, Satawalese, Woleaian, and Ulithian

• Speaking skills were indicative of age, social status, and maturation of body and mind
• Most maturing young men were expected to learn public speaking skills
• Talking chiefs were expected to learn proper Samoan for all occasions

• Home environment plays a role in the value of the language to be spoken (social factor)
• English is associated with higher social status, ability or cleverness, and money
• Young students who primarily speak English cannot write as well as they speak
• Many use a mixture of Samoan and English (often a compromised type of Samoan vernacular)

• Speakers must know appropriate language for audience and situation
• Speakers must be competent, flexible, prepared, and knowledgeable in appropriate choice of words, situations, and gestures for audience

• Same as traditional

• Fluency, grammatical awareness, appropriate levels of vocabulary, and types of vocabulary commonly used to assess status
• Main characteristic of speaking well is the ability to orally project opinions or ideas by using correct terms or phrases
• Different terms used for groups with different or similar ages and gender (for example, when addressing elders); context and other social factors also influence ways of speech
• Language competence determined by the way one speaks; a mother or female relative will make sure children use correct terms when addressing different age groups or a high status person

• Same as traditional

• Competency was demonstrated through using language fluently in appropriate situations
• Competitions were held among early Chamorros in oratories and spontaneous singing to outwit challengers
• Good speakers articulated ideas and opinions clearly in culturally accepted forms
• Maturity was judged by good reasoning, clear ideas, and good judgment

• Home environment plays an important role in Chamorro language development
• Age, experience, education, and social status influence competence
• Fluent Chamorro is spoken by those born before 1950
• Competence is shown in the ability to say prayers, read, write, and speak Chamorro fluently

• Speakers must use high language properly and with appropriate gestures
• Those who used proverbs were highly regarded

• Use of slang words
• Increased use of common language and code switching (mixture of Kosraean and English words in daily conversation – accepted as means of clarification)

• A person must have knowledge of what he/she is talking about, speak clearly and straight to the point, use examples or stories, and know his/her audience, regardless of age and gender
• Parents or older members of the family determined maturity by observing language and cultural awareness
• Palauan terms used to describe level of competency (least to most competent): chetechem (having a speech impediment), techetech (clumsy with no tact), udellomel (focused and purposeful), kladikm (talented and graceful), and dachelbai el mengedecheduch (expert wordsmith)

• Same as traditional
• Being well-organized helps to achieve high competency level
• School is a factor – becoming more bilingual increases the level and extent of vocabulary, which often results in more elaborate and profound speaking skills

• Ability to use the common language (in three different levels: child, adult, and respect) and the honorific language appropriately
• Males were expected to have learned the honorific by the age of 20, when they should begin to use it; females could also learn it but did not have the same opportunities to use it
• Competency was determined when one could deliver a speech in public
• Speaking well was an art that required using Pohnpeian terminologies to express abstract concepts, thoughts, or historic events; capturing the audience’s attention while persuading them; and conveying important messages effectively
• People with lower levels of language competency could express their ideas effectively only when using conversational Pohnpeian or their own language
• People with the lowest level of competency had a limited understanding of the language and could respond with just a few words

• Ability to effectively express ideas using precise terms
• Knowledge of subject
• Correct (proper) words must be used when talking to those of different levels/ranks, ages, and relations
• Competency is determined according to levels of the spoken language, such as when one develops communication skills and is well understood using both common and honorific languages

• Language competence was indicated by old age
• Older people spoke well and used proper Marshallese for all occasions
• Younger people were expected to learn public speaking skills

• Many parents want their children to be literate in English (instead of their native language)
• Youngsters are more fluent in English

• Had to know different ways of speaking to different people in family, to older people, and to people of high status
• Competence was determined by terms used in different situations and activities of everyday life
• Extensive vocabulary was needed
• Speaker had to arrange sentences to communicate his/her message clearly
• Knowledge was gained through age and experience
• Eloquent speaker was regarded with respect

• Same as traditional

• “Afio mai” – used to greet alii (high chiefs)
• “Maliu mai” – used to greet tulafale (talking chiefs)
• Respective wives of chiefs greeted in same manner as their husbands

• Pastors and other non-matai (head of family) dignitaries are greeted with “Susu mai”

• "Tiroow" and "Fe'u'wiicho" – greeting used during the day, to crowds in religious gatherings, and at special occasions when elders, chiefs, and other government representatives were present
• “Ran annim” – greeting used during the day to all people
• “Nepong annim” – greeting used at night to all people

• Same as traditional

Chamorro

• “Buenas dihas/tatdes/noches” – formal greetings used for the elderly and those with respected or higher positions
• “Hafa adai” and “Maolek ha” – used for casual or informal greetings

Carolinian

• “Meta Ilemwár” – greeting to a woman
• “Meta Saumwár” – greeting to a man
• “Faischo” – greeting for a person you bump into while working on a project; said so the unexpected visitor does not apply black magic to the project
• “Tirow Wóóm” – similar to “Excuse me”

• Same as traditional

• Hafa adai” and “Buenas“ – greetings used by everyone
• Greetings to show respect for elders included “Manngingi” and kissing hands while addressing females with “Nora” and males with “Niot”
• Greetings adopted from the Spanish include “Buenas dias” (good morning or good day), “Buenas tatdes” (good afternoon), and “Buenas noches” (good evening)
• “Ho’e” – greeting used to announce arrival at a home

• Same as traditional

• “Lwen wo” – Good day
• “Elos fuhkah” – How are you?
• “Mwet kacto” – Distinguished guests
• “Fong wo” – Good night

• Same as traditional

• “Alii” – Ngira (title used for males, similar to “Mr.”), Dirra (title used for females, similar to “Ms.”)
• “Udelei” – used by younger men to address older men
• “Ollei” – used by older men to address each other or younger men
• “Merrengei” – used by older females to address younger females
• “Kei” – used by females to address each other
• “Rubak” – used by both sexes to address older men or a male title-holder
• “Mechas” – used by both sexes to address older women or a female title-holder

• “Ungil tutau” – Good morning
• “Ungil chodechosong” – Good afternoon
• “Ungil kebesengei” – Good evening

• “Kaselehlie maing” (formal); “Kaselehlie” (less formal but still respectful); “Kaselel” (informal and commonly used between youths)
• Different greetings existed for various levels of people
• “Re” or “Ihr” – used to address nahnmwarki (paramount chief), similar to “Your Honor” except it was a dual plural form that also included God, whom the nahnmwarki was believed to represent
• “Komwi” or “Komw” – used to address the high ranking honorary title seated to head a social gathering/event when the nahnmwarki was absent (such as nahnken, wasahi, douk, noahs)
• “Pato” – term used to address high ranking titles and senior citizens who may not have a high title, to indicate humbleness and respect in the presence of the nahnmwarki
• At the commoner level, peers (age and title) used common greetings to each other but practiced formal greetings and language
• Children’s language level – broken language and baby talk were acceptable; often a platform for playing with the language and learning nursery rhymes/children’s songs

• Same as traditional

• “Yokwe” (Hello) was used at all times
• Addressing/greeting royalty was done by the one who was chosen to speak to them

• Same as traditional
• New forms of greetings with English words are also used

• Greetings depended on age, status, sex, number of people spoken to, and situation of meeting (inappropriate for younger person to greet older person)
• “Moegeathiin” (formerly “Mogethin”) – greeting said only to a peer or someone younger; used by same gender unless opposite sex was known to greeter
• “Moegeathiin” also meant “What can I do for you?”; “Do you need anything now?”; “Where are you going?”; “What are you up to?”; or “What do you like?” If said harshly, it meant “Do you want to fight?”
• Inappropriate for a visitor to say “Moegeathiin”; person being visited said it; could be said to person of same age or younger
• Villagers’ responsibility to greet traveler or stranger to village, know purpose of visit, and ask how they could help
• “Kea feal’” (formerly “Kefel”) – Goodbye used between peers, but not usually said to sibling or very close relative
• “Kea gabuul” – Good night

• Same as traditional
• “Kea feal’” is said to anyone of any age or sex

• Children discussed their interests with other children and did not talk to adults about issues of life
• Women talked to women; men talked to men; conversation topics usually focused on work distribution, village life, and issues specific to gender roles
• Conversing in mixed crowds was not proper

• Same as traditional

• Only high-ranking men were allowed to talk to the community chief
• Females used polite words or phrases when talking to males

• Depends on gender of speaker, subject matter, time, and place

Chamorro

• Elders always spoke first
• Older people gave instructions to younger people
• Youth did not interrupt or participate in adult conversations

Carolinian

• Village chief talked at utt (canoe house) at anytime to people about community projects or new laws and to a mischievous person to issue his/her sentence
• Mother or any female relative scolded misbehaving children anywhere
• Wife talked to husband if naughty son required strict discipline
• Children talked to mother about sibling(s)

Chamorro

• Anybody may speak and join in conversations

Carolinian

• Anybody may respectfully join in conversations

• Community leaders and elders spoke to the village and family groups about village issues or family concerns
• Parents spoke to children; children responded when spoken to
• Peers talked with each other about their concerns
• Children did not participate in adult conversation

• Anyone may speak to anyone about any concern
• Parents and elders instruct and guide the young on all matters

• Parents talked to children anytime about stories and family matters
• Unless asked, children were not allowed to speak to elders in formal situations
• Females could not use certain words or phrases when talking to males

• Parents and children can talk about anything, anytime
• Complaints and needs from children are directed to parents

• Parents talked to children anytime about stories and family matters
• Unless asked, children did not speak to elders in formal situations
• Children talked to parents at home and other places, depending on situation
• There was “adult talk” and “children talk” – the two did not mix
• The topic of sex was very taboo and was only discussed privately among members of the same sex – brothers and sisters talking to each other about sex was deemed incestuous; men and women/boys and girls talking to each other about sex was frowned upon

• Children are being taught freedom of speech; they no longer respect elders and may talk back
• Children talk freely to friends and others
• Sex is increasingly becoming a hot topic in school, especially through health education and among teenagers
• Talking about sex in public, however, is dangerous and could imply that you do not have manners or discretion; you may also bring shame to your family

• Village chiefs talked to titled villagers about social activities and celebrations
• Only village chiefs and elders talked in community meetings, unless a specific question was directed to a specific young person
• Males talked to males about business and roles; females talked to females about their lives and roles
• Parents talked to children, grandparents, and other extended family members
• Wives talked to husbands about disciplining male children
• Peers talked amongst themselves about their own interests
• Children spoke when spoken to and tattled to their mother about disciplining their siblings

• Same as traditional

• Children were not supposed to interrupt adults engaged in conversation
• Children did what they were told
• Men talked to men, women talked to women, and children talked to children
• Improper for adult male to talk to adult female alone (unless they were relatives)

• Parents talk to children about the future and the family’s well-being
• Children may be around and join in adult conversation

• Impolite to talk back to elders
• Children spoke when spoken to
• In communal meetings, only elders spoke unless a specific question was directed to a specific younger person
• Males and females usually held separate meetings about the welfare of the community (individual members and group)

• Everyone can talk to everyone but with appropriate language levels and except when/where prohibited

• Fluency in Samoan was considered prestigious
• High talking chiefs had high oratory skills and used a rhetoric that only the indoctrinated (politicians and negotiators) could understand; other chiefs spoke the everyday language of the people to get things done
• Everyone else spoke the everyday language, using proper and respected Samoan (e.g., “Talofa” instead of “Kalofa” – substituting “K” for “T” was very common and though acceptable, it did not show respect)
• Respect (in the native language spoken) was most important

• Same as traditional
• 99% of Samoans use Samoan in village and community
• Modern wisdom: Learn Samoan to perfection before learning English
• Goal is to maintain and preserve first language

• Chuukese was used to counsel the younger generation and to provide guidance for individuals to meet society and community expectations
• Chuukese was used with family to respect elders, peers, and people from other cultures

• Same as traditional
• English is used in schools and abroad

• First language (Chamorro or Carolinian) gave an individual his/her identity
• Chamorro was used by middle and older age-groups to emphasize points that affected family and community
• Carolinian was very important in social control (a sister used respectful words when addressing her brother)
• Carolinian speakers comprehended better and preferred listening to someone speaking Carolinian

• Same as traditional

• Fluency and oratorical skills were signs of prestige and social status
• Chamorro was the only language used for all forms of communication

• Fluency and oratorical skills in Chamorro are considered very prestigious
• Chamorro may be used in public settings to maintain conversational privacy
• Chamorro and English are used interchangeably in social conversation
• Concern over language loss is becoming a concern among Chamorros
• English is used when “outsiders” are present (as a courtesy)
• Adult Chamorros who speak only English may be viewed as snobbish and may be teased

• Kosraean was used to discipline children and resolve conflicts

• Native language is considered more significant (only few speak second language)
• High language is used among elders and at special occasions
• Proper language is used for discipline and greetings

• A person who spoke eloquently, precisely, and from experience was listened to and respected
• Palauans learned by doing and to speak of something theoretically required extensive usage of examples from real life
• Except for the southwest islands, most Palauans were monolingual

• All Palauans speak Palauan and want to preserve it as part of their culture
• Learning their first language enables children to learn a second language better
• Majority of people speak Palauan; small fraction of population speak Tobian
• To speak effectively to an elderly crowd, one should have knowledge of archaic Palauan forms of words and phrases

• Language mastery was vital for a chief to be effective in expressing his views clearly and persuading his people of his ideas; leaders who could not use Pohnpeian found it difficult to deal with their people
• Pohnpeian honorific language played a primary role in leadership (conducting traditional business in the social system) and for promotion (workers needed to use it to their boss/chief)
• Pohnpeian could also be used for identifying issues, giving directives and advice, and announcing news

• Same as traditional

• People listened to those in higher levels

• Majority use Marshallese at church, social gatherings, and everyday events
• Police speak Marshallese

• Advantageous to use different levels and/or dialects of languages interchangeably

• Same as traditional
• English is used to communicate across languages
• Use of first language is common among speakers of the same language
• Multilingual speakers frequently switch back and forth between languages

• Joking was appropriate in mixed crowds during non-traditional get-togethers or after a long day of traditional ceremonies
• Adolescents joked about growing up, their bodies, and sex; adults joked about marriage, children, their bodies, sex, and cross-cultural conflicts

• Same as traditional

• Young people never made jokes to older people
• Jokes could be said, acted, or written

• Humor and joking about times, places, needs, and sex are appropriate, depending on customs

• Parents joked to children when telling stories and giving instructions/directions
• Adults used humor in adult mixed groups; sexual or ethnic adult humor was not used in children’s presence

• Chamorro children have almost no limitations
• For Carolinians, non-sexual humor is appropriate at parties, small group gatherings, and with any gender; humor is inappropriate during melancholy situations (funerals, etc.); and jokes with sexual content are appropriate only within same gender groups

• Humor was often used by adults and peers in mixed groups to cope with fears, worries, and anxieties
• Adult humor was usually sexual or ethnic and not used in front of children
• Joking was done among peers
• Men and women shared jokes
• Young people joked about growing pains, problems, and failures

• Same as traditional

• Joking about sensitive topics was restricted when children were present
• Peer groups could joke about any topic
• Joking between sexes was prohibited

• Humor and joking among peers and sexes is common
• Jokes among family members are rare

• Children did not joke with elders
• Some jokes/types of humor were only appropriate for men and some were only appropriate for women
• Sex jokes among peers was okay as long as it stayed among peers
• Joking and laughing were not allowed in some formal traditional customs (everything had its appropriate place)

• Jokes and humor are common among different sexes at informal social gatherings

• Joking was used to bring levity and a sense of belonging to the group
• Clean humorous subjects were always welcomed among families and friends (funny mistakes made during formal ceremonies, misunderstandings between cultures and activities, etc.) and served as both fun jokes and lessons to be learned
• In the appropriate company, jokes could be about a variety of topics on Pohnpei (marriage, sex, children’s perceptions of the adult world, ethnic mismatches)
• Jokes about sex or that disgraced others were inappropriate with families and relatives
• During social get-togethers, feasting, or other special occasions, peer and same-gender groups isolated themselves to present their jokes, laugh, and learn through observation how to present jokes to peers
• Jokes and humor were not appropriate at funerals and other serious ceremonial activities but were sometimes acceptable at community tributary feasts to the village chief

• Same as traditional

• No jokes were allowed in public and in the presence of both brothers and sisters, parents and eldest children, or female relatives and uncles

• Jokes can be made within some families
• Jokes are forbidden in other families and very religious groups

• Being humorous was different from being a joker
• Elders usually spoke freely and sometimes joked
• Peers could joke with each other (usually within same gender)
• Across-gender jokes happened only on certain occasions

• Appropriate jokes can be told in mixed crowds, except when/where prohibited
• Though sexes are still separated at community gatherings, people tend to speak their opinions freely and make jokes sometimes in the presence of community elders